The Yin and the Yang
So what's the problem with having TOO much access to anecdotal evidence? Easy...everyone can prove their point so convincingly, there is little need to compromise or seek the middle ground. Here's a look at the Yin and Yang of Fallujah:
From Al-Jazeera, an unsurprising Yin:
But it was not just the scale of destruction that angered citizens. They were also unhappy about rules imposed before being allowed to enter their city and the almost total media black-out on their situation, journalists said.
Most complained of US soldiers pointing their weapons at them even in the simplest of situations, while others asked why they had been prevented from putting front doors back on to their homes.
"And everyone was demanding that US forces withdraw immediately, allow media teams into the city to document the destruction, compensate citizens for the loss of their homes, and help in reconstruction of the city," the programme reported.
[...]
One of the causes of major complaint were stringent and intrusive security measures.
US forces stationed around the city have to issue ID cards to those they allow back in, a document that has to be carried at all times.
[...]
Imperial behaviour
He points out that US troops, deployed in the Middle East for more than 62 years, have to recognise that their nation - that was once celebrated as a non-colonial power - has joined the imperial club, as Iraq's invasion and Falluja's destruction demonstrates.
"Things have changed fundamentally for the worse with the invasion and occupation of Iraq, particularly with the revelation that the core pretexts offered by the administration for the invasion were false.
"And particularly with growing Iraqi dissatisfaction with the occupation and with the images of the hellish chaos broadcast regularly everywhere in the world except in the United States - thanks to the excellent job done by the media in keeping the real human costs of Iraq off our television screens."
The Columbia professor concludes that the White House has proclaimed good intentions while refusing to acknowledge that Iraqis can only judge by what they see in places such as Falluja.
"It does not matter what you say you are doing in Falluja, what matters is what you are doing in Falluja - and what people see that you are doing."
Amid the ruins of Fallujah, white flags are emerging - alerting US and Iraqi forces to the presence of Iraqi families moving back home, clearing the rubble, and trying to renew hope.I'm left to wonder where all the dedicated reporters who follow the atrocities of the insurgents are. Where have we seen a portrayal of life in Fallujah under the "mujahideen?" Where, for that matter, were the stories from Najaf when local officials were begging Coalition forces to push Sadr's gang of thugs out of town...?Residents say that the insurgents who made the city a virtual no-go zone are gone. They were violently cut out of this former stronghold by US forces during a monthlong battle in November - the toughest urban combat for US forces since Vietnam - that pulverized this city of some 300,000.
[...]
An unexpected measure of success came on election day last week. Nearly 8,000 people here defied insurgent threats and voted, according to US military officials. That figure accounts for 44 percent of all votes cast in Anbar Province, which includes the Sunni triangle, where antielection feeling was so strong that less than 7 percent voted at all.
New sense of security
Iraqis say the result shows how secure Fallujahns are beginning to feel, and note with added surprise that more than a few said their ballot was for Iyad Allawi, the US-backed interim prime minister who ordered the Fallujah invasion.
"It's better that the Americans are here," says Abdulrahab Abdulrahman, a teacher who carries a folder containing a compensation claim for the damage to his house. "I have the freedom to be a student, or whatever I want to be."
The mujahideen "are gone," he says, clearly pleased, standing on a street strewn with rubble. "They are finished."
[...]
For some in Fallujah, the rigor of the new security measures, and even the destruction of much of the city, are more bearable than the suffocation they felt when insurgents controlled the city. "My water, OK. No electricity. Sleep is good, American army is good," explains Ali Kadhem, whose three children step out of the front gate behind him, to wave to passing marines. He speaks with a smile, then holds up his hands. "Money for building? No."
Update:
Praktike's comment sent me scrambling to find this article from the New Yorker documenting Fallujah and the 'rule of the insurgents' following the end of the April '04 seige. Interesting article...but what I'd like to see is a more nuanced piece that gathers the stories from people who couldn't or wouldn't speak out while the insurgents were running their town. The stories provided by residents of Kabul AFTER the fall of the Taliban were a far cry from the stories one could gather by walking the streets during their reign. I'm curious if that was the case in Fallujah as well. For another example of this, look at the voter turn-out in Sadr City despite Moqtada's attempts to short-circuit the election. Once his militia's grip on the area loosened, opinions became much more diverse.
The Al-Jazeera and Monitor pieces above are both skewed toward one perspective or the other (which, of course, is why I chose 'em...). The Monitor piece shows a BIT of nuance in talking to some of the current residents who are angry with the U.S. - but I would imagine that most of the people who have been willing to move back into Fallujah since the seige (while it's still occupied by Marines) lean more toward support of the U.S. to begin with. In other words, a skewed sample to draw objective data from - as skewed as the sample offered in the New Yorker story.
Fallujah
Iraq
Media

